A LOOK AT THE ROOT CAUSES OF CANADA’S DECLINE BETWEEN 2015 AND 2025

A LOOK AT THE ROOT CAUSES OF CANADA’S DECLINE BETWEEN 2015 AND 2025 NATIONAL POST COLUMNIST TRISTAN HOPPER released a short work of roughly 164 pages last April entitled ‘Don’t be Canada: How the Great White North did Everything Wrong all at Once.’ In it, he says Canada has mismanaged several critical issues compared to other developed nations, including drug and crime policies, euthanasia, health care, transgender policy, the judiciary, and housing. “We just sort of became wildly complacent and got into a headspace that we were special, we were Canadian, we had a functioning society, and ... we didn’t have to defend it,” Hopper said in an interview with the Epoch Times. His work makes for interesting reading, and it reminded me of an earlier volume penned by author and journalist Kenneth McDonald, a copy of which I bought during my time as a college student in Toronto. McDonald’s work is entitled ‘His Pride Our Fall: Recovering from the Trudeau revolution.’ It’s a critique about Justin Trudeau’s father, Pierre, and the damage that resulted from 16 years of Trudeaumania when, as prime minister, the elder Trudeau made himself a nuisance by inserting the tentacles of government where they had no place to be – in the private lives of ordinary citizens. Once a thriving nation, Canada has seen a steep erosion in prosperity and security since 2015 as a direct result of self-inflicted policy failures. My column this week will highlight some of the philosophical extremes from the first Trudeau ‘legacy’ which ultimately gave rise to the disastrous sequel, during which time Justin Trudeau aggressively pursued a vision of Canada that has left us with a crippling debt, an ever-expanding government, and a variety of misguided policies on immigration, justice reform, and gender issues – just to name a few. Let’s begin by identifying the state, or what I like to refer to as Big Government, for what it is; a massive regulator of all things – a sort of untamable master exercising full dominion over its people. Those are my words, however Kenneth McDonald offers the following analysis: “The secret of (the state’s) power lies in its very remoteness. “It is one thing to refrain from advising the man next door, whom we know. “It is another thing altogether to compose a set of regulations for people collectively…not in order to create wealth, but to regulate the private citizens who are engaged in wealth creation.” When the growth of the state passes beyond control, as ours has, it becomes a law unto itself. Justin Trudeau enjoyed a powerful opportunity to bring forward a self-satisfying process of dismantling a nation that he described in a 2015 interview with The New York Times as “a country with no core identity, no mainstream…" which he said made it the "first post-national state". As ludicrous as that sounds, it has its origins in Pierre Trudeau’s own policies - most notably official multiculturalism and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms – both of which were manifestly created to shift the Canadian identity away from its traditional Eurocentric and Common Law heritage towards a more civic framework based on universal liberal values. In 1971, Trudeau introduced official multiculturalism within a bilingual framework. This policy was revolutionary because it decoupled state and culture, and It asserted that no single cultural entity could (or should) define Canada. It was an attempt to actually delegitimize – in his view - the idea of a "core" national identity. As most of us now realize, encouraging diverse ethnic groups to preserve their own heritage has not resulted in a peaceful Canada enjoying some sort of fictional mosaic. Rather, we have become a series of politically armed cultural camps – each one jostling the other in an attempt to gain power and control. On the matter of our economy, or more to the point, what’s left of it, we can look back to 1971 when the prevailing wisdom among Trudeau’s inner circle suggested that, to one who sees some people as poor while others are rich, it may seem obvious that the rich should share some of their wealth – and if they are at all reluctant, surely a just society would require (force) them to do it. From this rather frightening inclination sprung the idea within the Liberal Party – one that remains central to their manifesto – that state socialism is, in itself, part of the ‘age of miracles’. Pierre Elliott Trudeau's premiership (1968–1984) marked a definitive shift toward structural deficit spending in Canada. The federal government had carried debt since Confederation (1867) to finance nation-building and wars, however, Trudeau oversaw a period of nearly continuous and rapidly increasing budget deficits – a tradition carried on by his son and political heir, Justin. Trudeau the elder’s first budget ran a deficit of $667 million, and as a result of his spending habits, Canada's national debt increased from approximately $18 billion to over $200 billion, representing a more than tenfold increase, or roughly 700% in nominal terms. Not to be outdone by his father, Justin Trudeau’s first budget saw a deficit of $19.0 billion after accounting adjustments, and during his ten years in office, the total debt in Canada nearly doubled, reaching approximately $654.2 billion by the end of the 2024-2025 fiscal year. Like father, like son. Of course, one cannot attempt to highlight the more disastrous aspects of the Trudeau-x2 legacy without referencing the 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms, a legal instrument that has caused significant damage to our justice system by having shifted too much power to unelected judges, allowing them to overrule the will of democratically elected legislatures. Charter challenges can be lengthy and complex, contributing to delays in the justice system - but more importantly, certain judicial interpretations of the Charter have made it much more difficult to secure convictions for serious crimes. Now isn’t that just great. Once again, not to be outdone by his father, Trudeau the younger made his own legal mess through a determination to eliminate mandatory minimum sentences for drug and firearms offences, and to codify a ‘principle of restraint’ into law which encouraged granting bail at the earliest opportunity. Fast forward to today and we all know the results of his "soft-on-crime" ideology and the disastrous outcomes that have allowed repeat offenders the freedom to commit more crimes. And yet, in spite of the damage left by these two men, there exists an element within Canadian society who refuse to accept certain realities, preferring instead to hold on to a collective dream where peace and love and good intentions are all that is needed. God help them – and indeed, the rest of us.